Sabtu, 27 April 2013

Causality and the Question of Being


by; Nader El-Bizri
 Abstract
This paper investigates the manner in which Mull¡ s¯adra relies on causation in his articulation of the question of being, and of the distinction between essence and existence, in terms of the modalities of necessity, contingency and impossibility. My investigations will be mainly focused on a close textual, exegetical as well as hermeneutic, interpretational reading of Kit¡b al-mash¡‘ir (Le livre des pénétrations métaphysiques, or what is also rendered in English as: The Book of Prehensions). This will be conducted from the standpoint of a comparative consideration of Avicenna’s ontology in the light of accounting for Martin Heidegger’s critique of the history of metaphysics in Sein und Zeit, wherein the history of metaphysics is construed as being the history of the oblivion of being. Like what I have attempted to show in my book, The Phenomenological Quest Between Avicenna and Heidegger (Binghamton, 2000), I will argue in this paper, that Mull¡ ¯adr¡’s ontology, like Avicenna’s ontology before him, does indeed divert from the confines of the Aristotelian and Peripatetic substance-based ontology (ousiology, that is based on ousia). Given this state of affairs, his ontology overcomes some dimensions of Heidegger’s critique of metaphysics while anticipating the emergence of phenomenological methods of investigation in ontology. Yet, even if some aspects of Mull¡ ¯adr¡’s ontology were akin to some of what is encountered in Heidegger’s thinking, it nevertheless remains to be the case that an articulation of the question of being, in terms of causality, falls within the confines of a ‘metaphysics of making’ that is oblivious of being.

In the introduction of Kit¡b al-mash¡‘ir (Le livre des pénétrations métaphysiques),1 the reader encounters an arrogation of the philosophical voice, whereby the author, with an ex professo gesture, appropriates with humbleness the representative illuminating guidance with respect to matters related to onto-theology. Mull¡ ¯adr¡ calls those who are guided by the light of gnosis, on the path to God, to listen with their hearts in order that the light of his own wisdom penetrates their souls. Ontology, and the arguments and speculations that surround it, or emerge from it, are to be addressed as being matters of the heart that cause inner sensations and penetrating feelings; namely that arouse al-mash¡‘ir. After all, theological questions are themselves construed as being identical with the articles of the faith in God and in His attributes. Metaphysics, and ontology in particular, is accordingly identifiable with theology and faith. This is further accentuated by Mull¡ ¯adr¡’s appeal to the proofs of the credo (al-adilla al-naql¢yya), that are based on the Qur’¡n and ¦ad¢th, which are placed alongside the logico-rational proofs (al-adilla al-‘aql¢yya). Within this conceptual and religious framework, the question of being or existence (mas’alat al-wujËd) remains to be the ground of philosophical principles themselves. Hence, neglecting the question of being is indicative of some sort of philosophical, if not theological, ignorance. To attend properly to the question of being is to attempt to affirm the originary character of being or existence as the origin, truth and reality, of all beings and existents. Accordingly, as Mull¡ ¯adr¡ asserts, all that is other than being is a mere reflection, a shadow or an.

The treatise, Kit¡b al-mash¡‘ir, which representatively summarizes the main traits of Mull¡ ¯adr¡’s ontology, is pervaded by hermeneutic dimensions that tend to clarify the relation between the inner, esoteric, and hidden meaning of a term (al-b¡§in) from one side, and its apparent and subtle exoteric sense (al-¨¡hir) from the other side. With a modern philosophical sensibility, his ontological speculations are mediated through a hermeneutic turn that pervades his consideration of the question of the meaning and truth of being. With a voice of authority, Mull¡ ¯adr¡ proclaims in the prologue (section 5) of Kit¡b al-mash¡‘ir, that:

The thatness of being (‘inn¢yyat al-wujËd) is the most clear an evident of all entities in its givenness [or presence] and in its revelation; while its quiddity is the most hidden in conception and in apprehension; while its notion is in no need of identification, and is the most manifest, clear, general and all encompassing of all entities. As for its identity, it is the most determined of determined entities in concreteness and individuation.

He then adds that being (al-wujËËË£d) cannot be identified, given that identification is based on either definition or description. Being cannot be defined since it has no genus nor species, while it cannot be described given that it cannot be perceived or grasped by way of what is more manifest, apparent or prevalent than it (sections 6-7). Furthermore, nothing in the realms of forms is correspondent or correlative with it. In a manner that is akin to what is encountered in 20th century methods of investigation in ontology, particularly those indicative of Martin Heidegger’s inclinations in Sein und Zeit, being (Sein, être, al-wujËd) is not taken to be a handy and available concept, nor is the ontological difference between being and beings articulated in terms of a talk about genus and species.2 This turn in ontology is indicative of the extent of the indebtedness of metaphysicians, like Mull¡ ¯adr¡, to Avicenna’s methods of investigation in ontology.

Pointing to the originary and primary character of being, Mull¡ ¯adr¡ holds (III, 16) that the truth and reality of anything is encountered in its being or existence. This is the case, given that being is the truest and most real of true and real things. Although being or existence must have correlates in the world, as beings and existents, it is nevertheless distinct from that to which it is predicated (III, 19). In addition, the originary character of being entails that if there were no being, that is if there is no ‘is’ as such, then there would be no things. This itself is phenomenally experienced in terms of saying that the counterfactual: "If there is no ‘being’, then there would be no thing", is itself ungrounded, given that there is no position or situation in the world, or in any conceivable possible world, whereby that counterfactual might make sense. Even with possible world semantics we obtain the tautological conditional: if there is something, then ipso facto ‘there is being’; namely that: ‘there is’, es gibt Sein, il y a, hun¡lika. This is itself a lesson that could be learnt from the instructive scenes that are enacted in Descartes’ Meditations and Avicenna’s De anima (Kit¡b al-nafs). Based on Descartes’ cogito argument and Avicenna’s ‘suspended person’ argument, ‘being’ cannot but be affirmed. Being is revealed within hyperbolic processes of doubt as being convergent with thinking. The logical conditional that pervades ontology is: If ‘x’ is not in union with being, then ‘x’ cannot be; or: ‘x’ is, if and only if, ‘x’ is in union with being. Given this, how would we attend to ‘being’ or ‘existence’, that is, how would we attend to ‘al-wujËd’ with which beings and existents are united? In the fourth mash‘ar (metaphysical penetration or prehension) Mull¡ ¯adr¡ asserts that ‘al-wujËd’ is characterized by a concrete determinate givenness (‘aynn¢ya) that is, hic et nunc, realized in the world that is external to the mind. The reality of existence is not realized in the mind, rather its reality is realized in a determinate concrete givenness in the world, namely in a realm that is external to the mind (IV, 55, 57). In this sense, existence is not super-added to essence like what is claimed to be the case with Avicenna’s proclaimed ‘essentialism’, as it has been hastily declared by I . Gilson, A. –M. Goichon, H. A. Wolfson, and J. Caputo. However, this does not readily entail that being or existence is reducible to being a concrete and determinate existent entity that is realized in the world. This is the case given that such construal of being or existence would entail that the existence of ‘existence’, as an existent, would require an existence, and so on ad infinitum (IV, 39). Existence is not reducible to the order of an existent, nor is being reducible to the order of a being; in other terms, the ontological is not reducible to the ontic. As indicated in a quotation taken from Avicenna, Mull¡ ¯adr¡ asserts that existence is existing or the state of existing. This is similar to what in a contemporary philosophical sense is encountered in Emmanuel Levinas’ ontological remarks in Le temps et l’autre: wherein ‘être’ is taken to be ‘exister’, similarly, al-wujud huwa-l-mawj£d¢ya, its truth is that it ‘is’ (IV, 47). This polemically opens up the perplexing question of the difference between the ontological and the ontic. This might be captured by the expression: ‘exister sans existant’, ‘existing without an existent’, ‘being without a being’, which is almost unthinkable, and thus falls beyond the limits of being articulated in a meaningful discourse.

In accounting for the question of being in terms of its originary character, one mediates the reflection on this matter through a consideration of being in terms of the modality of necessity. In this regard, and in a manner that is akin to what is encountered in Avicenna’s account of being in terms of necessity, Mull¡ ¯adr¡ holds that, in contrast with contingents, the Necessary Existent is prior to every existent, It is what depends on nothing other than Its-self. Its necessity is an Eternal Necessity, and It is what has no imperfection whatsoever (IV, 42). Given the primary character of existence/being, and the concrete determinacy of its givenness, Mull¡ ¯adr¡, like Avicenna before him, asserts that substance, quality, and the other [Aristotelian and Peripatetic] categories are all kinds of essences. As for existence/being, it is the ground of existential realities which are characterized by a determinate and concrete mode of givenness. Being, or existence, is thus not a substance (jawhar), nor is it a quality, nor a quantity. Being, or existence, overcomes the confines of ousiology (an ousia based ontology) and its categories. After all, based on Aristotle’s Metaphysics (Book IX), dealing with ‘beings in the primary sense’ leads the inquiry to that which ‘all other beings are referred back to’, namely ousia.3 Based on this reading, and quoting Aristotle, one could say that ‘everything that is (the other categories than ousia) must, in and of itself, have the saying of ousia’.

Like Avicenna before him, Mull¡ ¯adr¡ opens up the ontological investigations to a realm that does not reduce being to essentia or substantia. Being, or existence, has no genus, no species, no differentia, no essence or quiddity. Moreover, none of the categories apply to it (IV, 60-61). Mull¡ ¯adr¡, also asserts that the category of relation (al-mu¤¡f), and the other nine categories belong to the domain of essences not existences. Although the Necessary Existent is the source of everything, and that the relation of every state of affairs is due to It, however It transcends the category of relation and does not belong to it (VII, 99). With a Neoplatonic tone, modes of existence or being are taken to be primordial and originary realities and truths, like the ‘rays and reflected lights of the True Light and of the Eternal Existence’ (VI, 85). Furthermore, with an evident Neoplatonic parlance, and in a careful distinction from the positions held by Stoics and Peripatetics, Mull¡ ¯adr¡ holds that what is emanated and made by-itself, in everything that has a maker (j¡‘il), is the concrete and determinate mode of givenness of existence (VII, 89). In this, the existence of the maker, or creator, acts as the ground for the existence of the created entity. Based on causal explanations, one could say that the existence of the effect is due to the existence of its cause, and is strengthened by it. In this sense, one cannot claim that it is possible to conceive an effect while being oblivious of the existence of the cause that necessitates it (VII, 91-92). Based on this, the causal nexus itself is seen as being that of a necessary connection between the cause and the effect, whereby the knowledge of the effect is mediated through the knowledge of its cause. Therefore, explanations, and the issuing understanding that is coupled with knowledge, cannot take place unless a thorough account of causes is in place. In this sense, Occasionalism will undo our knowledge as well as undo the grounds by virtue of which beings are encountered in the world. One could even say that the concrete and determinate mode of givenness of things and beings is itself dependent on the principle of causation. This is the case given that the knowledge of a specific mode of existence cannot be accomplished unless it is mediated through a knowledge of the ‘emanating cause’ of that specific mode of existence. It is therefore said that: ‘the knowledge of what belongs to a cause, namely an effect, cannot be achieved except through the knowledge of its cause’ (VII, 92). And the meaning of posteriority and priority, in knowledge and in existence, emerges from the standpoint of the relationship between a cause and its effect. This is the case given that the cause is evidently prior to an effect, and priority itself is understood in terms of being a priority in existence as well as being a priority in time (VII, 100). Furthermore, the created or constituted entity is not essentially distinct from its cause, given that the truth of an effect is not its essence but its existence. Based on this, the existential truth of an effect is essentially linked to what brought it to existence, that is its cause (First Path, Auxilliary mash‘ar VIII, 116). In order to understand what beings are, and how they come to be, they have to be accounted for from the standpoint of causation. It is therefore imperative to reflect on how the ‘concept’ of something is itself reducible to being merely ‘the effect of a cause’. Any being is thus the effect of something other than itself. Beings are therefore the effects of the creator and maker. Based on their concept, they are created beings (VII, 93). Accordingly, the notion of what something is, that is the concept by virtue of which the quiddity, and even the existence, of that thing is revealed, is in itself known by way of being construed as the effect of a maker or a creator. In this sense, and in tune with Mediaeval doctrines, beings are construed as ens creatum, and this in itself raises contemporary phenomenological doubts about how the question of being is addressed from that standpoint. After all, according to Heidegger’s assessment, a construal of beings as ens creatum, is a an onto-theological undertaking that falls under the rubric of the metaphysics of productivity and making as exemplified by the workings of the Vorhandenheit, wherein being is reduced into an objective and produced handy presence.4 But is it the case that being is reduced to a mere productive act of making that characterizes creation? It is clear that based on an emanation scheme, which itself may be articulated and understood in terms of accounts of causation, one could hypothesize that ‘whatever has a simple nature, its action is simple’. Therefore, creation and existence by way of Eternal Necessity, are both synchronously concurrent. However, given the priority of a cause over the effect, one could argue that there is some sort of an analogical hierarchical significance (tashk¢k) that pervades the relation of a cause to its effect, and that such state of affairs is translated into a priority in being and/or in time. If the relations, between the maker (or creator) and the made (or created), are those of deficiency to perfection, of weakness to strength, then would it not also be the case that such relations obtain between a cause and an effect? This is the case given that the creator or maker, that is the one that causes, is more perfect and more complete in realization, than the created or made, that is its effect. The cause in this sense is more perfect, more complete, and stronger than what issues from it as an effect. One could also add that the cause is more concretely determined in its mode of givenness in existence than its effect. The hierarchy unfolds along a ‘great chain of being’ which is intricately articulated through the intermediacy of the causal nexus. This grounds our understanding of the process of emanation, which is construed as being a mode of explaining creation, whereby the chain of created beings must have its terminus in the Necessary Existent (First Path, Auxiliary mash‘ar: 1,AI, 104).

Both causation and emanation are traced back to the process of the modalization of the First Principle along the many modes of Its epiphany and manifestation (1, AVIII, 117). Mull¡ ¯adr¡ holds that ‘an existent is either the truth of being and existence, or it is something else’. By the ‘truth of being’, he means ‘a pure existence that is not contaminated by anything like definition, end (telos), deficiency, generality or specificity. The truth of being is the ‘Necessary Existent’ (1, AI, 104). Based on this, the Necessary Existent is pure being, esse only. Without this truth, no thing would ever exist. Every essence and quiddity exists due to that truth. Anything that is an existent, yet that is not the truth of being, is a composite and contingent entity. It is composed of what marks its being and existence and of something that is other than existence. And anything that is other than being or existence manifests a partaking in privation. Furthermore, every composite is posterior to what is simple and is in need of it. As for privation, it has no part in the ‘existing’ of existents although it partakes in the shaping of their definition or meaning. From this, the pure truth of being, which is not contaminated by whatever is not of the order of being, is the origin and ground of the existing of every existent; the ground of the beingness of every being (1, AI, 104).

The Necessary Existent (Ex necesse esse) is the truth and reality of being that is not affected by anything other than pure being and existence, that is Its-self. Being as such, the Necessary, is not subject to definition or limit, given that what is subject to definition and limit is not pure being, it is rather that which is in need for a cause or reason (sabab) to define it and specify it. Being pure being, is being beyond definition, description and limit. It is what is without differentia, form, agent, purpose, telos and end. In a revisionist position viz. Plato’s theory of forms, the Necessary Existent is even taken by Mull¡ ¯adr¡ to be that which is the form of Its-self. It is what cannot be described or made known but by being Its-self (1, AII, 105). Being as such, The Exalted Necessary, is neither bound up with anything nor dependent on anything. It is a simple truth and reality, Necessary in all respects with the exclusion of contingency and impossibility, otherwise this would entail composition. Pure being, as the Necessary Existent, is unparalleled, incomparable, without similar, opposite, contrary or like. It is rather pure being as the ‘fountain of all goods’, a perfect above perfection (1, AIII, 106-107). The Necessary Existent is the primordial origin and telos of everything. It emanates everything without having partners in emanation. All that is other than It is merely of the order of contingent essences that are deficient in themselves and dependent on what is other than themselves. All contingents, in their hierarchies and ranks in being, are indigent in themselves towards the Necessary. They are contingent due to themselves and conditionally necessary due to the Necessary Existent. Without It they are false and perishable. The Necessary Existent is the completion and perfection of all things, It is the Light of lights, the reference of all that is (1, AIV-AV, 108-110). All beings, all creatures, tend back to It as their maker, origin, and telos. In a dialectical sensibility, Mull¡ ¯adr¡ argues that the Necessary Existent, as a simple truth and reality, as a simple pure being, encompasses in its unity all that is, except what is of the order of privations, lacks and deficiencies. However, we are cautioned as to not imagine that the relation of contingent beings with the Necessary Existent implies any sense of incarnation or union that would entail a duality in the ground of being (1, AVIII, 117). By way of illustrating this point, Mull¡ ¯adr¡ conjectures that if an entity ‘x’ exists, such as ‘x’ is ‘not y’, then by saying ‘x’ we already imply that ‘it is not y’, and that it is not anything that is ‘not x’. In a dialectical structure, this entails that every being thus contains the negative as one moment of its own determination, in its very own essence, it is also an affirmation of the negative within itself, being and non-being are two moments of the same determination of being. Affirmation and negation are thus revealed as being one and the same. However, this implies that whoever conceives a human being, also conceives that it is not a horse, yet, it is the case that conceiving something as not being a horse does not entail that what is conceived is a human being. Given that the consequent is not true, so would be the antecedent; accordingly, ‘being x’ is different from ‘being not y’ (1, AVI, 110).

According to Mull¡ ¯adr¡, the effect of an agent is either natural, compulsory, coercive, intentional, or it is due to resignation, providence, or epiphany. These determinations of the effect of the agent may vary with the doctrinal positions of such groups like the materialists, the naturalists, the Mu‘tazilites, the Illuminationists, the philosophers, and the ¥£f¢s (3, AI, 123). If it has been shown that causation accounts for the coming to existence of something, it might itself also account for the subsistence of something in existence. In this regard, it might be said that everything in the world constantly acquires a renewed identity without fixity in its mode of being or in its individuation. Accordingly, it may be observed that nature is in a state of ever self-renewing itself. In this, ontology, which breaks away from ousiology, may be turned into a metaphysics of processes. This state of affairs may be attributed to a ‘substantial form’ that always grants the modification, renewal (tajaddud), division, disappearance, and destruction of all bodies. This view is itself founded on the claim that the maker or creator, makes or creates the self-renewal in entities by way of creating their self-renewing essences. Accordingly, entities will be caused by their essential self-renewing causes. Based on this account, creation or making may be restricted to the creation or making of self-renewing essences which themselves grant the self-renewal of things without the intermediacy of existential causes. In that sense, the essential cause allows for the endurance and self renewal of things while the existential cause grants the possibilities for having such self-renewing essence. Thus, the created being will be linked to the Eternal by way of self-renewal. However, stamping being with becoming is indicative of processes and motions rather than self-same, eternal and necessary substances. Yet, motion is understood Mull¡ ¯adr¡ as being the indicator of a transition from potentiality to actuality rather than being the means by virtue of which such transition is effected. In this sense, he asserts that motion is ‘the gradual transition’ of a substance ‘from potentiality into actuality’, and ‘time is the measure’ of this transition. Yet, neither this substantial motion, nor time, nor accidents, are suitable to act as mediators between what is generated and the Eternal. Contingency, ‘being in need’, and ‘being an effect’, all are auxiliaries [if not supplements] to existence and being, but not to its truth and reality. They are linked to being by way of deficiencies and privations that are external to the truth of being. Pondering on necessity/contingency, or richness/indigence, leads to the affirmation of the unity of the attributes of the Necessary Existent, and consequently tends towards unveiling the quality of Its states and influential traces. Like what is attested with Avicenna, being is a simple reality and truth, that has no genus, no differentia, no definition, no description or proof.5 The difference between its ‘ones’ and ‘numerous many’ is merely a difference in levels of perfection and deficiency, priority and posteriority, richness and indigence, or due to accidental matters like it is the case with the same essence that persists in different individuals. This being the case, Mull¡ ¯adr¡, asserts that the deficiency in being or existence does not emerge from the truth or reality of existence, given that it entails privation which is the negative moment in the perfection of being or existence. After all, pure being cannot be associated with privation and non-being. Privation, deficiency, and lack cannot arise at the source and origin of being. They are negative moments in the determination of being which arise due to posteriority, as what is implied in the privation and indigence that arise due to the process of emanation. Based on the ranks in being, the caused cannot be equal to what causes it, the made is weaker and posterior to the maker, the created is not equal to the creator, and the emanated is not equal to the source of emanation. Beings, as caused entities and originated existents, are all creatively ranked, without strict fixity, from the noble to the nobler, with varying motions and degrees of intensity in their participation in being in the movement of self-perfection (Epilogue, 144-146). Being as becoming, initiates the rise of a process ontology that breaks away from ousiology, yet by the structuring force of the principle of causation, the substantial movement is itself subjected to a determining and ordering fixity. Furthermore, the process ontology itself is eventually turned into a classical onto-theology that is reductive of being in view of religious ends. The structuring order of causation and the transformation of ontology into onto-theology, both work hand in hand as principles that counteract the aspiration to take metaphysics to be the science of being qua being as conceived by Avicenna. ‘Being’ is central to Mull¡ ¯adr¡’s onto-theology, yet apparently it is not the most central and primary subject matter of his metaphysics. Based on his onto-theology, the subject matter of his metaphysics is eventually Divinity and the Divine. In this regard, one wonders how one would still be able to religiously affirm all the divine attributes, on the grounds of them being mentioned in God’s word, al-Qur¡n, and in the Prophet’s words, al-¦ad¢th, while philosophically refuting all the categories viz. the Exalted One. The perplexing matter that calls for thinking is how can one still talk about the Exalted One as maker, origin, and telos, if the category of relation is refuted? In order to avoid such seeming inconsistencies, do we not have to accentuate the priority of the religious elements in Mull¡ ¯adr¡’s thinking up and above his philosophical onto-theological inclinations? Would it not be the case that, piety and worship, if not mysticism, are more powerful matters of the heart, which in this regard are of more significance than following the philosophical tendencies of systematic onto-theology? After all, one could say that, to attend to the question of being requires a thinking that ‘lets beings be’, that ‘lets being lie forth’. If one would ponder on this matter from a contemporary standpoint, and thus receive Martin Heidegger’s critique of metaphysics with philosophical seriousness, then one would say that a ‘causal-ontological’ account inevitably emerges from a philosophy of actualitas that is based on a ‘language of production and making’. This would unveil the traits of a metaphysics that attends to the realitas, causalitas, and actualitas, and neglects the ‘truth as unconcelament’ (aletheia).6 Ultimately, ‘causal-ontology’ belongs to the history of the metaphysics of Vorhandenheit (objective presence), energeia, ousia, and techne, which all fall under the rubric of the metaphysics of making or of productivity that is ultimately oblivious of being.

Notes:
1-In this paper, I have mainly relied on the Arabic version of the text Kit¡b al-mash¡‘ir which appears in the bilingual Arabic/English edition: Mull¡ ¯adr¡, Book of Prehensions (Kit¡b al-mash¡‘ir), trans. Parviz Morewedge (Binghamton: Society for the Study of Islamic Philosophy and Science, 1992). All references to Kit¡b al-mash¡‘ir are inset within the body of the text of this paper, and they are all based on the Arabic text that is included in the above edition.
2-After all, it could be argued that one of the main features of Heidegger’s critique of metaphysics is expressed in the claim that being has fallen into oblivion throughout the history of Western metaphysics. This in itself reflects a deep interest in thinking about the unthought ontological difference between being and beings in terms of addressing what opens up that difference in its very own differing.
3-For the interpretation of this passage in relation to Martin Heidegger’s critique of the history of metaphysics, see: Martin Heidegger, Aristotle’s Metaphysics, IX 1-3: On the Essence and Actuality of Force, trans. Walter Brogan and Peter Warneck (Bloomington, Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1995), p. 2.
4-Heidegger’s critique of metaphysics expresses a critical concern with a particular side of the history of metaphysics that is oblivious of being and that has been dominated by making and productivity. Such particular history is that of the metaphysics of Vorhandenheit (objective presence), energeia, ousia, and techne, which all fall under the rubric of the metaphysics of making or of productivity.
5-After all, in more than one occasion, Avicenna holds that, the First has no genus, nor quiddity, nor quality, nor quantity, nor place, nor time, nor a counterpart, nor a partner, nor a contrary opponent. He also asserts that the First has no definition or demonstration. That It is rather the proof and originary principle of all that is and It is not a thing among things. For furtter elaboration on this issue, refer to: Kit¡b al-Naj¡t, ed. Majid Fakhry (Beirut: D¡r al-‘¡f¡q al-jad¢da, 1985), pp. 265-266; Livre des Directives et Remarques, trans. A. –M. Goichon (Paris: Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, 1951), pp. 351-357.
6-For a brief account of how Martin Heidegger’s critique of metaphysics may be applied to metaphysicians like Thomas Aquinas and Avicenna, see: John Caputo, Heidegger and Aquinas: An Essay on Overcoming Metaphysics (New York: Fordham University Press, 1982), p. 6; John Caputo, The Mystical Element in Heidegger’s Thought (New York: Fordham University Press, 1986), pp. 76, 80.


The Existence of the Moon's and the Sun's Orbits in Qur'an


The Arabic word falak has here been translated by the word 'orbit'. many French translators of the Qur'an attach to it the meaning of a 'sphere'. This is indeed its initial sense. Hamidullah translates it by the word 'orbit'.

The word caused concern to older translators of the Qur'an who were unable to imagine the circular course of the Moon and the Sun and therefore retained images of their course through space that were either more or less correct, or hopelessly wrong. Si Hamza Boubekeur in his translation of the Qur'an cites the diversity of interpretations given to it: "A sort of axle, like an iron rod, that a mill turns around; a celestial sphere, orbit, sign of the zodiac, speed, wave . . .", but he adds the following observation made by Tabari, the famous Tenth century commentator: "It is our duty to keep silent when we do not know." (XVII, 15). This shows just how incapable men were of understanding this concept of the Sun's and Moon's orbit. It is obvious that if the word had expressed an astronomical concept common in Muhammad's day, it would not have been so difficult to interpret these verses. A Dew concept therefore existed in the Qur'an that was not to be explained until centuries later.

1. The Moon's Orbit.
Today, the concept is widely spread that the Moon is a satellite of the Earth around which it revolves in periods of twenty-nine days. A correction must however be made to the absolutely circular form of its orbit, since modern astronomy ascribes a certain eccentricity to this, so that the distance between the Earth and the Moon (240,000 miles) is only the average distance.

We have seen above how the Qur'an underlined the usefulness of observing the Moon's movements in calculating time (sura 10, verse 5, quoted at the beginning of this chapter.) This system has often been criticized for being archaic, impractical and unscientific in comparison to our system based on the Earth's rotation around the Sun, expressed today in the Julian calendar.

This criticism calls for the following two remarks:
a) Nearly fourteen centuries ago, the Qur'an was directed at the inhabitants of the Arabian Peninsula who were used to the lunar calculation of time. It was advisable to address them in the only language they could understand and not to upset the habits they had of locating spatial and temporal reference-marks which were nevertheless quite efficient. It is known how well-versed men living in the desert are in the observation of the sky. they navigated according to the stars and told the time according to the phases of the Moon. Those were the simplest and most reliable means available to them.

b) Apart from the specialists in this field, most people are unaware of the perfect correlation between the Julian and the lunar calendar: 235 lunar months correspond exactly to 19 Julian years of 365 1/4 days. Then length of our year of 365 days is not perfect because it has to be rectified every four years (with a leap year) .

With the lunar calendar, the same phenomena occur every 19 years (Julian). This is the Metonic cycle, named after the Greek astronomer Meton, who discovered this exact correlation between solar and lunar time in the Fifth century B.C.

2. The Sun.
It is more difficult to conceive of the Sun's orbit because we are so used to seeing our solar system organized around it. To understand the verse from the Qur'an, the position of the Sun in our galaxy must be considered, and we must therefore call on modern scientific ideas.

Our galaxy includes a very large number of stars spaced so as to form a disc that is denser at the centre than at the rim. The Sun occupies a position in it which is far removed from the centre of the disc. The galaxy revolves on its own axis which is its centre with the result that the Sun revolves around the same centre in a circular orbit. Modern astronomy has worked out the details of this. In 1917, Shapley estimated the distance between the Sun and the centre of our galaxy at 10 kiloparsecs i.e., in miles, circa the figure 2 followed by 17 zeros. To complete one revolution on its own axis, the galaxy and Sun take roughly 250 million years. The Sun travels at roughly 150 miles per second in the completion of this.

The above is the orbital movement of the Sun that was already referred to by the Qur'an fourteen centuries ago. The demonstration of the existence and details of this is one of the achievements of modern astronomy.

The Movement of Moon and the Sun in Qur'an


This concept does not appear in those translations of the Qur'an that have been made by men of letters. Since the latter know nothing about astronomy, they have translated the Arabic word that expresses this movement by one of the meanings the word has: 'to swim'. They have done this in both the French translations and the, otherwise remarkable, English translation by Yusuf Ali.[66]

The Arabic word referring to a movement with a self-propelled motion is the verb sabaha (yasbahuna in the text of the two verses). All the senses of the verb imply a movement that is associated with a motion that comes from the body in question. If the movement takes place in water, it is 'to swim'; it is 'to move by the action of one's own legs' if it takes place on land. For a movement that occurs in space, it is difficult to see how else this meaning implied in the word could be rendered other than by employing its original sense. Thus there seems to have been no mistranslation, for the following reasons.

-The Moon completes its rotating motion on its own axis at the same time as it revolves around the Earth, i.e. 291/2 days (approx.), so that it always has the same side facing us.
-The Sun takes roughly 25 days to revolve on its own axis. There are certain differences in its rotation at its equator and poles, (we shall not go into them here) but as a whole, the Sun is animated by a rotating motion.

It appears therefore that a verbal nuance in the Qur'an refers to the Sun and Moon's own motion. These motions of the two celestial bodies are confirmed by the data of modern science, and it is inconceivable that a man living in the Seventh century A.D.-however knowledgeable he might have been in his day (and this was certainly not true in Muhammad's case) -could have imagined them.

This view is sometimes contested by examples from great thinkers of antiquity who indisputably predicted certain data that modern science has verified. They could hardly have relied on scientific deduction however; their method of procedure was more one of philosophical reasoning. Thus the case of the pythagoreans is often advanced. In the Sixth century B.C., they defended the theory of the rotation of the Earth on its own axis and the movement of the planets around the Sun. 

This theory was to be confirmed by modern science. By comparing it with the case of the Pythagoreans, it is easy to put forward the hypothesis of Muhammad as being a brilliant thinker, who was supposed to have imagined all on his own what modern science was to discover centuries later. In so doing however, people quite simply forget to mention the other aspect of what these geniuses of philosophical reasoning produced, i.e. the colossal blunders that litter their work. It must be remembered for example, that the Pythagoreans also defended the theory whereby the Sun was fixed in space; they made it the centre of the world and only conceived of a celestial order that was centered on it. It is quite common in the works of the great philosophers of antiquity to find a mixture of valid and invalid ideas about the Universe. 

The brilliance of these human works comes from the advanced ideas they contain, but they should not make us overlook the mistaken concepts which have also been left to us. From a strictly scientific point of view, this is what distinguished them from the Qur'an. In the latter, many subjects are referred to that have a bearing on modern knowledge without one of them containing a statement that contradicts what has been established by present-day science.

The Sequence of Day and Night in Qur'an


At a time when it was held that the Earth was the centre of the world and that the Sun moved in relation to it, how could any one have failed to refer to the Sun's movement when talking of the sequence of night and day? This is not however referred to in the Qur'an and the subject is dealt with as follows:
--sura 7, verse 54:
"(God) covers the day with the night which is in haste to follow it . . ."

--sura 36, verse 37:
"And a sign for them (human beings) is the night. We strip it of the day and they are in darkness."

--sura 31, verse 29:
"Hast thou not seen how God merges the night into the day and merges the day into the night."

--sura 39, verse 5:
". . . He coils the night upon the day and He coils the day upon the night."

The first verse cited requires no comment. The second simply provides an image. It is mainly the third and fourth verses quoted above that provide interesting material on the process of interpenetration and especially of winding the night upon the day and the day upon the night. (sura 39, verse 5)

'To coil' or 'to wind' seems, as in the French translation by R. Blachère, to be the best way of translating the Arabic verb kawwara. The original meaning of the verb is to 'coil' a turban around the head; the notion of coiling is preserved in all the other senses of the word.

What actually happens however in space? American astronauts have seen and photographed what happens from their spaceships, especially at a great distance from Earth, e.g. from the Moon. They saw how the Sun permanently lights up (except in the case of an eclipse) the half of the Earth's surface that is facing it, while the other half of the globe is in darkness. The Earth turns on its own axis and the lighting remains the same, so that an area in the form of a half-sphere makes one revolution around the Earth in twenty-four hours while the other half-sphere, that has remained in darkness, makes the same revolution in the same time. This perpetual rotation of night and day is quite clearly described in the Qur'an. It is easy for the human understanding to grasp this notion nowadays because we have the idea of the Sun's (relative) immobility and the Earth's rotation. This process of perpetual coiling, including the interpenetration of one sector by another is expressed in the Qur'an just as if the concept of the Earth's roundness had already been conceived at the time-which was obviously not the case.

Further to the above reflections on the sequence of day and night, one must also mention, with a quotation of some verses from the Qur'an, the idea that there is more than one Orient and one Occident. This is of purely descriptive interest because these phenomena rely on the most commonplace observations. The idea is mentioned here with the aim of reproducing as faithfully as possible all that the Qur'an has to say on this subject.
The following are examples:
--In sura 70 verse 40, the expression 'Lord of Orients and Occidents'. --In sura 55, verse 17, the expression 'Lord of the two Orients and the two Occidents'. --In sura 43, verse 38, a reference to the 'distance between the two Orients', an image intended to express the immense size of the distance separating the two points.
Anyone who carefully watches the sunrise and sunset knows that the Sun rises at different point of the Orient and sets at different points of the Occident, according to season. Bearings taken on each of the horizons define the extreme limits that mark the two Orients and Occidents, and between these there are points marked off throughout the year. The phenomenon described here is rather commonplace, but what mainly deserves attention in this chapter are the other. topics dealt with, where the description of astronomical phenomena referred to in the Qur'an is in keeping with modern data.

The Expansion of The Universe in Qur'an


The expansion of the Universe is the most imposing discovery of modern science. Today it is a firmly established concept and the only debate centres around the way this is taking place.

It was first suggested by the general theory of relativity and is backed up by physics in the examination of the galactic spectrum; the regular movement towards the red section of their spectrum may be explained by the distancing of one galaxy from another. Thus the size of the Universe is probably constantly increasing and this increase will become bigger the further away the galaxies are from us. The speeds at which these celestial bodies are moving may, in the course of this perpetual expansion, go from fractions of the speed of light to speeds faster than this.

The following verse of the Qur' an (sura 51, verse 47) where God is speaking, may perhaps be compared with modern ideas:
"The heaven, We have built it with power. Verily. We are expanding it." 'Heaven' is the translation of the word  sama' and this is exactly the extra-terrestrial world that is meant. 
'We are expanding it' is the translation of the plural present participle musi'una of the verb ausa'a meaning 'to make wider, more spacious, to extend, to expand'.
Some translators who were unable to grasp the meaning of the latter provide translations that appear to me to be mistaken, e.g. "we give generously" (R. Blachère). Others sense the meaning, but are afraid to commit themselves: Hamidullah in his translation of the Qur'an talks of the widening of the heavens and space, but he includes a question mark. Finally, there are those who arm themselves with authorized scientific opinion in their commentaries and give the meaning stated here. This is true in the case of the Muntakab, a book of commentaries edited by the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs, Cairo. It refers to the expansion of the Universe in totally unambiguous terms. 

Jumat, 26 April 2013

The Conquest of Space in Qur'an


From this point of view, three verses of the Qur'an should command our full attention. One expresses, without any trace of ambiguity, what man should and will achieve in this field. In the other two, God refers for the sake of the unbelievers in Makka to the surprise they would have if they were able to raise themselves up to the Heavens; He alludes to a hypothesis which will not be realized for the latter.

1) The first of these verses is sura 55, verse 33: 
"O assembly of Jinns and Men, if you can penetrate regions of the heavens and the earth, then penetrate them! You will not penetrate them save with a Power."

The translation given here needs some explanatory comment:
a) The word 'if' expresses in English a condition that is dependant upon a possibility and either an achievable or an unachievable hypothesis. Arabic is a language which is able to introduce a nuance into the condition which is much more explicit. There is one word to express the possibility (ida), another for the achievable hypothesis (in) and a third for the unachievable hypothesis expressed by the word (lau). The verse in question has it as an achievable hypothesis expressed by the word (in). The Qur'an therefore suggests the material possibility of a concrete realization. This subtle linguistic distinction formally rules out the purely mystic interpretation that some people have (quite wrongly) put on this verse.

b) God is addressing the spirits (jinn) and human beings (ins), and not essentially allegorical figures.

c) 'To penetrate' is the translation of the verb nafada followed by the preposition min. According to Kazimirski's dictionary, the phrase means 'to pass right through and come out on the other side of a body' (e.g. an arrow that comes out on the other side). It therefore suggests a deep penetration and emergence at the other end into the regions in question.

d) The Power (sultan) these men will have to achieve this enterprise would seem to come from the All-Mighty.

There can be no doubt that this verse indicates the possibility men will one day achieve what we today call (perhaps rather improperly) 'the conquest of space'. One must note that the text of the Qur'an predicts not only penetration through the regions of the Heavens, but also the Earth, i.e. the exploration of its depths.

2) The other two verses are taken from sura 15, (verses14 and 15). God is speaking of the unbelievers in Makka, as the context of this passage in the sura shows:
"Even if We opened unto them a gate to Heaven and they were to continue ascending therein, they would say. our sight is confused as in drunkenness. Nay, we are people bewitched."
The above expresses astonishment at a remarkable spectacle, different from anything man could imagine.
The conditional sentence is introduced here by the word lau which expresses a hypothesis that could never be realized as far as it concerned the people mentioned in these verses.


When talking of the conquest of space therefore, we have two passages in the text of the Qur'an: one of them refers to what will one day become a reality thanks to the powers of intelligence and ingenuity God will give to man, and the other describes an event that the unbelievers in Makka will never witness, hence its character of a condition never to be realized. The event will however be seen by others, as intimated in the first verse quoted above. It describes the human reactions to the unexpected spectacle that travellers in space will see. their confused sight, as in drunkenness, the feeling of being bewitched . . .
This is exactly how astronauts have experienced this remarkable adventure since the first human spaceflight around the world in 1961. It is known in actual fact how once one is above the Earth's atmosphere, the Heavens no longer have the azure appearance we see from Earth, which results from phenomena of absorption of the Sun's light into the layers of the atmosphere. The human observer in space above the Earth's atmosphere sees a black sky and the Earth seems to be surrounded by a halo of bluish colour due to the same phenomena of absorption of light by the Earth's atmosphere. The Moon has no atmosphere, however, and therefore appears in its true colors against the black background of the sky. It is a completely new spectacle therefore that presents itself to men in space, and the photographs of this spectacle are well known to present-day man.

Here again, it is difficult not to be impressed, when comparing the text of the Qur'an to the data of modern science, by statements that simply cannot be ascribed to the thought of a man who lived more than fourteen centuries ago.

Abu Hamid al-Ghazali (1058-1111


Al-Ghazali is one of the greatest Islamic jurists, theologians and mystical thinkers. He learned various branches of the traditional Islamic religious sciences in his home town of Tus, Gurgan and Nishapur in the northern part of Iran. He was also involved in Sufi practices from an early age. Being recognized by Nizam al-Mulk, the vizir of the Seljuq sultans, he was appointed head of the Nizamiyyah College at Baghdad in ah 484/ad 1091. As the intellectual head of the Islamic community, he was busy lecturing on Islamic jurisprudence at the College, and also refuting heresies and responding to questions from all segments of the community. Four years later, however, al-Ghazali fell into a serious spiritual crisis and finally left Baghdad, renouncing his career and the world. After wandering in Syria and Palestine for about two years and finishing the pilgrimage to Mecca, he returned to Tus, where he was engaged in writing, Sufi practices and teaching his disciples until his death. In the meantime he resumed teaching for a few years at the Nizamiyyah College in Nishapur.
Al-Ghazali explained in his autobiography why he renounced his brilliant career and turned to Sufism. It was, he says, due to his realization that there was no way to certain knowledge or the conviction of revelatory truth except through Sufism. (This means that the traditional form of Islamic faith was in a very critical condition at the time.) This realization is possibly related to his criticism of Islamic philosophy. In fact, his refutation of philosophy is not a mere criticism from a certain (orthodox) theological viewpoint. First of all, his attitude towards philosophy was ambivalent; it was both an object and criticism and an object of learning (for example, logic and the natural sciences). He mastered philosophy and then criticized it in order to Islamicize it. The importance of his criticism lies in his philosophical demonstration that the philosophers' metaphysical arguments cannot stand the test of reason. However, he was also forced to admit that the certainty of revelatory truth, for which he was so desperately searching, cannot be obtained by reason. It was only later that he finally attained to that truth in the ecstatic state (fana') of the Sufi. Through his own religious experience, he worked to revive the faith of Islam by reconstructing the religious sciences upon the basis of Sufism, and to give a theoretical foundation to the latter under the influence of philosophy. Thus Sufism came to be generally recognized in the Islamic community. Though Islamic philosophy did not long survive al-Ghazali's criticism, he contributed greatly to the subsequent philosophization of Islamic theology and Sufism.

Life
The eventful life of Abu Hamid Muhammad ibn Muhammad al-Ghazali (or al-Ghazzali) can be divided into three major periods. The first is the period of learning, first in his home town of Tus in Persia, then in Gurgan and finally in Nishapur. After the death of his teacher, Imam al-Haramayn al-Juwayni, Ghazali moved to the court of Nizam al-Mulk, the powerful vizir of the Seljuq Sultans, who eventually appointed him head of the Nizamiyyah College at Baghdad in ah 484/ad 1091.
The second period of al-Ghazali's life was his brilliant career as the highest-ranking orthodox 'doctor' of the Islamic community in Baghdad (ah 484-8/ad 1091-5). This period was short but significant. During this time, as well as lecturing on Islamic jurisprudence at the College, he was also busy refuting heresies and responding to questions from all segments of the community. In the political confusion following the assassination of Nizam al-Mulk and the subsequent violent death of Sultan Malikshah, al-Ghazali himself fell into a serious spiritual crisis and finally left Baghdad, renouncing his career and the world.
This event marks the beginning of the third period of his life, that of retirement (ah 488-505/ad 1095-1111), but which also included a short period of teaching at the Nizamiyyah College in Nishapur. After leaving Baghdad, he wandered as a Sufi in Syria and Palestine before returning to Tus, where he was engaged in writing, Sufi practices and teaching his disciples until his death.
The inner development leading to his conversion is explained in his autobiography, al-Munqidh min al-dalal (The Deliverer from Error), written late in his life. It was his habit from an early age, he says, to search for the true reality of things. In the process he came to doubt the senses and even reason itself as the means to 'certain knowledge', and fell into a deep scepticism. However, he was eventually delivered from this with the aid of the divine light, and thus recovered his trust in reason. Using reason, he then set out to examine the teachings of 'the seekers after truth': the theologians, philosophers, Isma'ilis and Sufis. As a result of these studies, he came to the realization that there was no way to certain knowledge except through Sufism. In order to reach this ultimate truth of the Sufis, however, it is first necessary to renounce the world and to devote oneself to mystical practice. Al-Ghazali came to this realization through an agonising process of decision, which led to a nervous breakdown and finally to his departure from Baghdad.
The schematic presentation of al-Munqidh has allowed various interpretations, but it is irrelevant to question the main line of the story. Though certain knowledge is explained in al-Munqidh as something logically necessary, it is also religious conviction (yaqin) as mentioned in the Ihya' 'ulum al-din (The Revival of the Religious Sciences). Thus when he says that the traditional teachings did not grip him in his adolescence, he means to say that he lost his conviction of their truth, which he only later regained through his Sufi mystical experiences. He worked to generalize this experience to cure 'the disease' of his time.
              The life of al-Ghazali has been thus far examined mostly as the development of his individual personality. However, since the 1950s there have appeared some new attempts to understand his life in its wider political and historical context (Watt 1963). If we accept his religious confession as sincere, then we should be careful not to reduce his thought and work entirely to non-religious factors. It may well be that al-Ghazali's conversion from the life of an orthodox doctor to Sufism was not merely the outcome of his personal development but also a manifestation of a new stage in the understanding of faith in the historical development of Islam, from the traditional form of faith expressed in the effort to establish the kingdom of God on Earth through the shari'a to a faith expressed as direct communion with God in Sufi mystical experience. This may be a reflection of a development in which the former type of faith had lost its relevance and become a mere formality due to the political and social confusion of the community. Al-Ghazali experienced this change during his life, and tried to revive the entire structure of the religious sciences on the basis of Sufism, while at the same time arguing for the official recognition of the latter and providing it with solid philosophical foundations.

Abu Hamid al-Ghazali; Theological Conceptions


Al-Ghazali wrote at least two works on theology, al-Iqtisad fi'l-i'tiqad (The Middle Path in Theology) and al-Risala al-Qudsiyya (The Jerusalem Epistle). The former was composed towards the end of his stay in Baghdad and after his critique of philosophy, the latter soon afterwards in Jerusalem. The theological position expressed in both works is Ash'arite, and there is no fundamental difference between al-Ghazali and the Ash'arite school (see Ash'ariyya and Mu'tazila). However, some changes can be seen in the theological thought of his later works, written under the influence of philosophy and Sufism .
As Ash'arite theology came into being out of criticism of Mu'tazilite rationalistic theology, the two schools have much in common but they are also not without their differences. There is no essential difference between them as to God's essence (dhat Allah); al-Ghazali proves the existence of God (the Creator) from the createdness (hadath) of the world according to the traditional Ash'arite proof. An atomistic ontology is presupposed here, and yet there are also philosophical arguments to refute the criticism of the philosophers. As for God's attributes (sifat Allah), however, al-Ghazali regards them as 'something different from, yet added to, God's essence' (al-Iqtisad: 65), while the Mu'tazilites deny the existence of the attributes and reduce them to God's essence and acts. According to al-Ghazali, God has attributes such as knowledge, life, will, hearing, seeing and speech, which are included in God's essence and coeternal with it. Concerning the relationship between God's essence and his attributes, both are said to be 'not identical, but not different' (al-Iqtisad: 65). The creation of the world and its subsequent changes are produced by God's eternal knowledge, will and power, but this does not necessarily mean any change in God's attributes in accordance with these changes in the empirical world.
One of the main issues of theological debate was the relationship between God's power and human acts. The Mu'tazilites, admitting the continuation of an accident ('arad) of human power, asserted that human acts were decided and produced (or even created) by people themselves; thus they justified human responsibility for acts and maintained divine justice. In contrast, assuming that all the events in the world and human acts are caused by God's knowledge, will and power, al-Ghazali admits two powers in human acts, God's power and human power. Human power and act are both created by God, and so human action is God's creation (khalq), but it is also human acquisition (kasb) of God's action, which is reflected in human volition. Thus al-Ghazali tries to harmonize God's omnipotence and our own responsibility for our actions (see Omnipotence).
As for God's acts, the Mu'tazilites, emphasizing divine justice, assert that God cannot place any obligation on people that is beyond their ability; God must do what is best for humans and must give rewards and punishments according to their obedience and disobedience. They also assert that it is obligatory for people to know God through reason even before revelation. Al-Ghazali denies these views. God, he says, can place any obligations he wishes upon us; it is not incumbent on him to do what is best for us, nor to give rewards and punishments according to our obedience and disobedience. All this is unimaginable for God, since he is absolutely free and is under no obligation at all. Obligation (wujub), says al-Ghazali, means something that produces serious harm unless performed, but nothing does harm to God. Furthermore, good (hasan) and evil (qabih) mean respectively congruity and incongruity with a purpose, but God has no purpose at all. Therefore, God's acts are beyond human ethical judgment. Besides, says al-Ghazali, injustice (zulm) means an encroachment on others' rights, but all creatures belong to God; therefore, whatever he may do to his creatures, he cannot be considered unjust.
The Mu'tazilites, inferring the hereafter from the nature of this world, deny the punishment of unbelievers in the grave from their death until the resurrection, and also the reality of the various eschatological events such as the passing of the narrow bridge and the weighing on the balance of human deeds (see Eschatology). Al-Ghazali, on the other hand, rejecting the principle of analogy between the two worlds, approves the reality of all these events as transmitted traditionally, since it cannot be proven that they are rationally or logically impossible. Another important eschatological event is the seeing of God (ru'ya Allah). While the Mu'tazilites deny its reality, asserting that God cannot be the object of human vision, al-Ghazali approves it as a kind of knowledge which is beyond corporeality; in fact, he later gives the vision of God deep mystical and philosophical meaning. In short, the Mu'tazilites discuss the unity of God and his acts from the viewpoint of human reason, but al-Ghazali does so on the presupposition that God is personal and an absolute reality beyond human reason.

Abu Hamid al-Ghazali; Reputation of Philosophy


Al-Ghazali's relationship with philosophy is subtle and complicated. The philosophy represented by al-Farabi and Ibn Sina (Avicenna) is, for al-Ghazali, not simply an object of criticism but also an important component of his own learning. He studied philosophy intensively while in Baghdad, composing Maqasid al-falasifa (The Intentions of the Philosophers), and then criticizing it in his Tahafut al-falasifa (The Incoherence of the Philosophers). The Maqasid is a precise summary of philosophy (it is said to be an Arabic version of Ibn Sina's Persian Danashnamah-yi ala'i (Book of Scientific Knowledge) though a close comparative study of the two works has yet to be made). In the medieval Latin world, however, the content of the Maqasid was believed to be al-Ghazali's own thought, due to textual defects in the Latin manuscripts. As a result, the image of the 'Philosopher Algazel' was created. It was only in the middle of the nineteenth century that Munk corrected this mistake by making use of the complete manuscripts of the Hebrew translation. More works by al-Ghazali began to be published thereafter, but some contained philosophical ideas he himself had once rejected. This made al-Ghazali's relation to philosophy once again obscure. Did he turn back to philosophy late in life? Was he a secret philosopher? From the middle of the twentieth century there were several attempts to verify al-Ghazali's authentic works through textual criticism, and as a result of these works the image of al-Ghazali as an orthodox Ash'arite theologian began to prevail. The new trend in the study of al-Ghazali is to re-examine his relation to philosophy and to traditional Ash'arism while at the same time recognizing his basic distance from philosophy.
Al-Ghazali composed three works on Aristotelian logic, Mi'yar al-'ilm (The Standard Measure of Knowledge), Mihakk al-nazar fi'l-mantiq (The Touchstone of Proof in Logic) and al-Qistas al-mustaqim (The Just Balance). The first two were written immediately after the Tahafut 'in order to help understanding of the latter', and the third was composed after his retirement. He also gave a detailed account of logic in the long introduction of his writing on legal theory, al-Mustasfa min 'ilm al-usul (The Essentials of Islamic Legal Theory). Al-Ghazali's great interest in logic is unusual, particularly when most Muslim theologians were antagonistic to it, and can be attributed not only to the usefulness of logic in refuting heretical views (al-Qistas is also a work of refutation of the Isma'ilis), but also to his being fascinated by the exactness of logic and its effectiveness for reconstructing the religious sciences on a solid basis.
There is a fundamental disparity between al-Ghazali's theological view and the Neoplatonic-Aristotelian philosophy of emanationism. Al-Ghazali epitomizes this view in twenty points, three of which are especially prominent: (1) the philosophers' belief in the eternity of the world, (2) their doctrine that God does not know particulars, and (3) their denial of the resurrection of bodies. These theses are ultimately reducible to differing conceptions of God and ontology. Interestingly, al-Ghazali's criticism of philosophy is philosophical rather than theological, and is undertaken from the viewpoint of reason.
First, as for the eternity of the world, the philosophers claim that the emanation of the First Intellect and other beings is the result of the necessary causality of God's essence, and therefore the world as a whole is concomitant and coeternal with his existence (see Creation and conservation, religious doctrine of). Suppose, say the philosophers, that God created the world at a certain moment in time; that would presuppose a change in God, which is impossible. Further, since each moment of time is perfectly similar, it is impossible, even for God, to choose a particular moment in time for creation. Al-Ghazali retorts that God's creation of the world was decided in the eternal past, and therefore it does not mean any change in God; indeed, time itself is God's creation (this is also an argument based on the Aristotelian concept of time as a function of change). Even though the current of time is similar in every part, it is the nature of God's will to choose a particular out of similar ones.
Second, the philosophers deny God's knowledge of particulars or confine it to his self-knowledge, since they suppose that to connect God's knowledge with particulars means a change and plurality in God's essence. Al-Ghazali denies this. If God has complete knowledge of a person from birth to death, there will be no change in God's eternal knowledge, even though the person's life changes from moment to moment.
Third, the philosophers deny bodily resurrection, asserting that 'the resurrection' means in reality the separation of the soul from the body after death. Al-Ghazali criticizes this argument, and also attacks the theory of causality presupposed in the philosophers' arguments (see Causality and necessity in Islamic thought). The so-called necessity of causality is, says al-Ghazali, simply based on the mere fact that an event A has so far occurred concomitantly with an event B. There is no guarantee of the continuation of that relationship in the future, since the connection of A and B lacks logical necessity. In fact, according to Ash'arite atomistic occasionalism, the direct cause of both A and B is God; God simply creates A when he creates B. Thus theoretically he can change his custom (sunna, 'ada) at any moment, and resurrect the dead: in fact, this is 'a second creation'.

Al-Ghazali thus claims that the philosophers' arguments cannot survive philosophical criticism, and Aristotelian logic served as a powerful weapon for this purpose. However, if the conclusions of philosophy cannot be proved by reason, is not the same true of theological principles or the teachings of revelation? How then can the truth of the latter be demonstrated? Herein lies the force of al-Ghazali's critique of reason. 

Jalaluddin Rumi, Penyair Sufi Terbesar dari Konya-Persia

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